Jerold D. Friedman, Social Justice Attorney
March 2018
"This article was originally published in the National Lawyers Guild Review, Vol. 74, No. 3."
Jerold D. Friedman has been an activist since winning the “Super Environmentalist” award in grade school. He has served on several boards of charities, been published in several books, and has been an NLG member since 2001.
Because I am a civil rights activist, I am also an animal rights
activist. Animals and humans suffer and die alike. Violence causes the same
pain, the same spilling of blood, the same stench of death, the same
arrogant, cruel and brutal taking of life. We don’t have to be a part of it.
—Dick Gregory
Dogs and suitcases are personal property under the law. For the most part,
that enables humans to use, neglect, and abuse them indiscriminately. Dogs
and other nonhumans1 have been property at least since the invention of
money as suggested by the common etymologies of “chattel,” “cattle,” and
“capital.” The status of nonhumans as property is so ingrained that humans
reflexively don’t consider whether nonhumans should be emancipated and
distinguished from luggage. Animal rights theory says they need to be
because property has no opportunity for legal redress. Legal persons
(humans) can seek damages for past injuries, injunctions for future
injuries, and enjoy full protection by the state, but personal property
(nonhumans and luggage) cannot. Presently, slicing a hen’s throat is not
murder, boiling a lobster is not torture, taking a calf is not kidnapping,
caging a chimpanzee is not false imprisonment, and killing billions of
fishes2 is not genocide. Yet the neglect, abuse, and terror that nonhumans
routinely suffer are no less than humans similarly situated.
The animal rights movement seeks to emancipate nonhumans by having their
legal status changed from “property” to “person” and to let them be free to
live their lives as they wish. Animal rights draw from the same ethical
tradition as human rights and ask the same types of questions: Can an
individual’s market value outweigh their moral value? When is owning, using,
or exploiting another considered slavery? Is slavery always wrong? Is it
immoral to exploit or otherwise use another even if it isn’t technically
slavery? What qualities do humans have that make slavery wrong and do
nonhumans have the same qualities? If using humans in a certain way is
slavery, is using nonhumans in a similar way also slavery? Is it wrong to
keep a slave if the individual doesn’t know he or she is enslaved? What if
they were conditioned to accept it, benefit from it, or seem to enjoy it?
Should nonhuman emancipation be opposed because of the drastic changes it
will cause to human culture, economics, or politics?3 Should all nonhumans
be emancipated or only certain classes like apes (since they are genetically
most similar to humans) or dogs and cats (as quasi-family members)?
Animal rights and human rights4 reject genetic tests because genes are
irrelevant and oppression is found where genes are said to be relevant.
Animal rights disregard “species” for the same reason human rights disregard
so-called “race.” Rather than genes, animal rights consider what qualities
one should have to be a legal person. If one individual is a person and a
second individual has the same relevant qualities, then the second
individual should also be a person—period. This merit-driven analysis
concludes that nonhumans should be legal persons because the qualities that
give rise to human personhood also exist in nonhumans: a mind, a will to
live, and a capacity to suffer. Humans and nonhumans are living, thinking,
feeling beings, and these qualities entitle all of us to the rights to life
and liberty.5
Our property laws are no better than a genetic test on the question of moral
rights. Take for example an episode of Judge Judy.6 In a widely reported
episode, the plaintiff alleged that his young poodle, Baby Boy, was stolen
and sold to the defendant.7 Judge Judy told the defendant to set Baby Boy on
the ground who then ran to the plaintiff and began jumping on the
plaintiff’s leg while vigorously wagging his tail. “Take him home,” Judge
Judy told the plaintiff.
Judge Judy opted for reason rather than law. She treated Baby Boy as a legal
person. She let him testify, albeit through body language, because she
recognized that Baby Boy’s interest in his future was primary. She
recognized that Baby Boy had a mind capable of love and that he would suffer
if that love was denied. The fact that a television entertainer reached
justice through moral reasoning while proper judges who follow property law
might have awarded Baby Boy to the wrong party is one small example of what
property law brings when it’s used to decide the fate of living beings.
U.S. society grappled with these same legal and moral issues in the decades
leading to its civil war. The presumed supremacy of property law was upended
in U.S. v. Schooner Amistad8 after a heated legal battle over the fate of a
number of enslaved African people. The presiding judge defied the rule of
law and enormous political pressure and set the slaves free. “Let justice be
done though the heavens fall,” he said. Animal rights calls for the same
justice.
I raise Baby Boy and Amistad to separate a lawyer’s instinctive reliance on
traditional property constructs from the question of rights. Moral
rights—the rights to life and liberty, and to be free from suffering—exist
independently of law. The founders of the U.S. government preserved this
idea in the Declaration of Independence. Moral rights are directly
protected by the Fifth, Thirteenth, and Fourteenth Amendments, among other
laws, but laws do not create moral rights, they protect and enforce them.
The aforementioned constitutional amendments were enacted to prohibit the
government and public from violating moral rights valued by the amendments’
framers and ratifiers. Moral rights are also inalienable. They must be
inalienable because they would be fleeting if they depended on government.
Imagine if the president and legislature decriminalized marital rape, forced
weddings, and genital mutilation because the public elected misogynists or
lobbyists paid politicians the right price. We don’t lose a moral right to
life because a tyrant is elected although we may lose the legal protection
of it.
Altogether, the principles of animal rights are identical to human rights:
(1) Moral rights are discovered through philosophy. (2) Governments should
create legal rights that protect and ensure moral rights. (3) Governments
cannot defend their failure to protect moral rights by claiming the law
creates morality. Finally, (4) moral rights should be fairly evaluated and
cannot exist within a system of hierarchy and oppression. Male legislators
should not control women’s rights, white registrars should not be the
gatekeepers of black voters, and humans who use, consume, or profit from
nonhumans should not decide their liberty.
The perils nonhumans face
The sparks that initiate social justice movements come from witnessing
injustice. So, while comparing dogs and suitcases helps to make a point, it
hides the perils nonhumans face. I recommend that you watch the documentary
Earthlings (2005) to witness the breadth and depth of human-caused nonhuman
suffering. And, for scale, Noam Mohr calculated 63 billion nonhumans were
killed for food in the U.S. market in 2011.9
An example typical of nonhuman suffering was caught on video and later
described by Michael Shermer, president of the Skeptic’s Society:
Appropriately entitled “saddest slaughterhouse footage ever,” the clip shows
a bull waiting in line to die. He hears his mates in front of him being
killed, backs up into the rear wall of the metal chute, and turns his head
around seeking an escape. He looks scared. A worker then zaps him with a
cattle prod. The bull shuffles forward far enough for the final death wall
to come down behind him. His rear legs try one last time to exit the trap
and then . . . Thug! . . . down he goes in a heap. Dead. Am I projecting
human emotions into a head of cattle? Maybe, but as one meat plant worker
told an undercover USDA inspector, who inquired about the waste stench:
“They’re scared. They don’t want to die.”10 Shermer begins to dismantle the
idea that it is anthropomorphic (the wrongful assignment of human qualities
to nonhumans) to claim the bull understood and feared death, but he doesn’t
finish the analysis. All animals, including humans, evolved under “survival
of the fittest” rules. Animals who care about their lives are more likely to
survive because they will flee or attack predators. They are more “fit” and
are more likely to reproduce than animals who ignore predators. They pass
their fight or flight genes to their children. Thus, it’s anthropocentric
(the wrongful belief of humans as singularly important) to believe that
nonhumans don’t care about their lives because every extant animal,
including the bull, is the product of millions of ancestors who wanted to
live. That and the bull’s behavior establish that he wanted to live, knew
his death was imminent, and tried to save his own life. His life mattered
but he was killed intentionally and maliciously: he was murdered.
Why nonhumans have moral rights:
Innate moral interests create moral rights
Expanding human rights from “all [wealthy, white] men are created equal” to
“all humans are created equal” has been slow because unequal rights benefit
those in power and those who benefit most are deft at sabotaging liberation
movements. For example, the political majority incites minorities to attack
each other. The animal rights movement resists these types of sabotage
because it focuses on the qualities that compel moral rights more than
simply getting its own members into the majority. This approach means that
animal rights necessarily include human rights. Rather than argue that it’s
immoral to conduct medical experiments without informed consent only for a
class, the animal rights perspective means that informed consent, as a
general moral principle with universal application, is necessary for
everyone.
Moral rights start with having an interest in something of moral value, like
Shermer’s bull having an interest in his own life. Interests come from an
active, functioning mind. Minds come from a nervous system, and nervous
systems come from nerves. Animals have nerves.11 Therefore, the idea that
animals have moral rights makes a great deal of sense. Those with minds are
called “sentient” because they can sense their environment and interpret
those sensations. Plants, fungi, bacteria and other microorganisms have no
nerves—and therefore no brain, mind, sentience, nor moral rights.
How interests actually translate into moral rights has been argued ad
nauseam. These arguments typically focus on human rights that describe how
evolution miraculously resulted in a human brain that can think and feel.
The arguments typically overlook that nonhumans operate with a neurology
that is functionally identical to humans. We all evolved from the same
primordial ancestors who wanted to live and be free, and who avoided pain
and suffering. We are all sentient. There has yet to be any sound scientific
or philosophical reason to believe that humans experience thoughts and
feelings differently than nonhumans in a morally meaningful way. Charles
Darwin explained this when he said humans had no unique qualities in the
animal kingdom.12 Some biologists like Richard Dawkins suggest that some
nonhumans may have a greater capacity to suffer.13 Altogether, if human
rights derive from biological qualities (sentience, fear, suffering, etc.),
and if nonhumans have those same biological qualities, then nonhumans must
have their moral rights recognized.
Further, when recognizing who has moral rights we should err on the side of
inclusion because there is no margin for error. Life cannot be restored once
wrongfully taken. Time and enjoyment of life lost in captivity cannot be
returned. Pain and suffering cannot be undone. This precautionary principle
simply means that we should assume others’ lives matter. There would be no
hate crimes, genocide, nor anything in between if inclusion and precaution
were the norm.
Nonhumans are denied rights with the same techniques used against humans
The animal rights movement matured in the 1970s when more humans began to
critically question the power disparity between humans and nonhumans.
Arguments were then fashioned to comfort those who opposed the
disparity—“Cows must be killed because humans must eat meat.” “Rats must be
killed to cure cancer.” “Minks must be killed for fashion or warmth.” These
arguments are no different than any other type of genetic supremacy
ideology by inflaming the fears of ardent supporters and seducing the
undecided to oppose animal rights.
Common themes to delegitimize minorities are sometimes elusive but suddenly
obvious when they’re revealed. For example, René Descartes infamously
nailed dogs and cats to boards to dissect them alive. He reasoned that their
screams were not the result of meaningful pain or suffering14 because their
reaction was like a machine or clock that chimed a bell. Not coincidentally,
J. Marion Sims, who is regarded as the father of modern gynecology, managed
to preempt objections to his painful experiments on black women by
convincing the public that they don’t feel pain. The capacity of nonhumans
and black women to suffer was inconvenient to those who wanted to profit
from cutting them. The capacity of nonhumans to suffer is still denied today
by those who want to profit from their bodies and the same mindless
arguments are offered to deaden objections. Consider what the U.S. pig
killing industry suggests, “Forget the pig is an animal. Treat him just like
a machine in a factory.”15
Such themes are known to social justice advocates. We know that oppressors
control the narrative by explaining how the dominated need to be oppressed
for their own good, like cutting the beaks off hens so they don’t peck each
other or bombing Iraq into democracy. These narratives are more potent when
they provide a gift to the listener, like promising to cure lung cancer by
forcing beagles to inhale smoke or banning Muslims to stop terrorism.
Advocates must recognize these themes not only for their individual
falsehood but to understand the patterns behind such propaganda. Even if
Iraq could be bombed into democracy, that does not entitle the U.S. to
commit mass murder. Even if lung cancer could be cured by torturing beagles
to death, vivisectors are not entitled to commit mass murder. Iraqis and
beagles have a right to live that cannot be trumped for another’s profit or
pleasure.
All arguments to deny nonhumans moral rights are logical fallacies
Themes of oppression spawn individual arguments. One can master the
philosophy of animal rights by swapping each instance of “human” with
“nonhuman” in arguments for and against human rights. For example, a
pro-human-slavery argument might claim that the ability to force a human to
labor justifies doing so. This is of course absurd because might does not
make right. This argument is just as absurd when applied against nonhumans
because strength does not become the measure of morality by changing
species. The ability to force a bird into a cage, a dolphin into an
aquarium, a dog in front of a sled, or a rat into a medical experiment does
not make any of these things moral.
All arguments against animal rights fit into a few categories and each
category commits a logical fallacy, such as the appeal to force fallacy of
“might makes right.” Learning logical fallacies is useful because they help
us to quickly dispense with bad arguments.
Human exceptionalism has been the source of the most popular arguments
against animal rights such as, “Humans are on top of the food chain;
therefore, humans have a right to eat others.” I’ll use this argument to
walk you through its fallacies.
(1) It is an appeal to force when it means: whoever is on top of the food
chain has a right to kill others because they have the power to kill others.
(2) It is also an appeal to tradition, which means: we have a right to kill
others because our ancestors did. We shouldn’t base morality on what our
ancestors did. Chances are that murder and rape are in everyone’s family
tree. Similarly, we shouldn’t argue that enslaving horses is moral because
horses have been enslaved for millennia any more than we can make the same
argument to enslave humans. Traditions should not continue for tradition’s
sake but because the tradition is moral.
(3) It is also an appeal to evolution, which means: we have a right to kill
others because evolution gave us the ability to kill others. This argument
is irrational because evolution has given us the ability to do many things
(again, murder and rape) but that does not make those things moral. Humans
who make this argument confuse themselves with real predators, like sharks,
who will actually die without eating prey.
Apart from its logical failures, it’s a popular myth that humans evolved to
eat nonhumans. Here is a quick human evolution timeline: Mammals who lived
around 70 million years ago ate insects. Some of them colonized trees in
pursuit of those insects. Over time, these arboreal mammals adapted to a
flower and fruit diet. These mammals were our ancestors who evolved into
primates. The earliest evidence of meat-eating by our primate ancestors
comes from around 3.4 million years ago in the form of carved bones. A cache
of carved bones and stone tools discovered in the Olduvai Gorge and dated to
around 1.8 million years ago fueled the belief that pre-humans were hunters.
The cache provided no data as to how the meat was acquired nor how much meat
the pre-humans ate. (Imagine trying to determine the diet of college
students by examining petrified cafeteria trash and not knowing the student
population.) Evidence shows only scarce and opportunistic meat eating until
50,000 years ago when hunting became feasible but low technology ensured
that these humans were not particularly successful. Meat is still not a
significant part of the human diet except for some in wealthy nations. This
timeline means humans have only eaten meat out of tradition and not
evolution.
(4) It is also an appeal to intellect, which is a variant appeal to
evolution. Rapid scientific discoveries around the 1900s coincided with
enormous egalitarian pressures. White patriarchs composed the political and
scientific majority worldwide and predictably white scientists used their
disciplines to aid white men to stay in power. In the U.S., black people had
recently been emancipated and women demanded the vote. One response from the
science community was that white men were smarter and selected by evolution
to rule because women had smaller brains than men16 and black people had
smaller brains than white people.17 Even if white males had larger brains,
it should go without saying that that does not impute white males with a
greater intellect or the right to rule. Similarly, the typically large brain
of humans compared with nonhumans does not impute us with greater intellect
(we have a penchant for electing dictators, waging war, and threatening our
own extinction) nor a right to rule.18
The appeal to intellect can also be viewed as a variant appeal to force.
Aristotle pushed this idea with his Nature’s Ladder argument. He claimed
that the most rational beings are higher on the Ladder and have a right to
dominate those beneath: the less rational. Thus, divine beings dominate
natural beings. Conveniently, philosophers like Aristotle were next in line.
He considered all men more rational than women and all humans more rational
than nonhumans. Yet neither mental strength nor physical strength provide a
moral basis for harming others. Brain size should not be confused with
intelligence, nor intelligence with wisdom, nor any of these with a right
to rule.
These several fallacies are also undone by their apparent hypocrisy. Imagine
any scenario where extraterrestrials were in the seat of power. What if the
Earth was colonized by Kanamits, as it was in the famous episode of the The
Twilight Zone? Fans of the show know that this big-brained species is much
stronger and smarter than even the most exceptional humans. If humans would
not immediately surrender to Kanamits or to any other physically and
intellectually superior alien race obedient to Nature’s Ladder, then clearly
the reasoning many of us use to dominate nonhumans is dishonest and
selfish. The king says whoever wears the crown shall rule until the crown
is taken from him! It is as unjust for “superiors” to enslave us as it is
for us to enslave “inferiors.”
Social justice includes animal rights
Social justice is called for when individuals of a class are denied moral
rights or the laws that protect those moral rights. For example, SeaWorld
imprisons orcas (a class) and denies them their moral right to liberty.
Tilikum, the tragic star of the Blackfish documentary,19 was captured in
1983 and died at SeaWorld in 2017. He was a slave for thirty-four years to
generate profits for his owners. All orcas and other prisoners of
euphemistic “marine parks,” whether born in captivity or captured, want to
be free. As sentient beings, they deserve to be free. Tilikum and others
like him deserve freedom through social justice.
The National Lawyers Guild made a large step forward by recognizing animal
rights as a social justice issue when it adopted its Food Justice
Guidelines (2015). The Guidelines include the following language, “Whereas
the Guild has begun to recognize and include animals and animal rights
within our larger anti-oppression and anti-violence framework. . . .” Animal
rights is a social justice issue no less than any other. Many social justice
luminaries recognize that oppression is not limited to humans alone. Dick
Gregory and Cesar Chavez included veganism20 in their advocacy because they
identified suffering per se as the moral wrong, not just human suffering. I
authored dozens of micro-biographies in the Cultural Encyclopedia of
Vegetarianism21 that included numerous human rights advocates who also
pursued animal rights, but they are few compared to the many less famous
social justice advocates today who also don’t distinguish human rights as
different or superior to animal rights.
Philosopher Steven Best wrote extensively on total liberation to unite all
of the oppressed rather than to allow divisions between each oppressed
class.22 This approach is vital. Nature’s Ladder is tribal, hierarchal, and
seductive. Fighting against tribalism one rung of the ladder at a time is
contrary to the NLG’s policy of universal justice and would ignore the
identical structural injustice of each battle. Tribalism is the enemy of
egalitarianism. In this way, feminists should also fight for the
environment, environmentalists should also fight for animal rights, and
animal advocates should also fight for feminism. Each of us can and should
support and help all other progressive movements.
Nonhumans are an extreme political minority because they are thinking and
feeling beings whose moral rights are ignored. Many live in misery and die
horribly. Their suffering is made invisible by the society who claims to
love animals but still wants to benefit from their exploitation. They are
victims without end because few humans recognize their suffering and fewer
do anything about it. Women and other minorities have made significant gains
with legal rights due to social justice activism and because they are the
same species as the political majority. Nonhumans have the anatomy to suffer
but they don’t look like us so they have a long way to go before they
receive due empathy and activism.
Nonhumans and their advocates need lawyers. At a minimum, animal rights
activists need help on both sides of civil litigation and occasionally in
criminal defense. Remarkably, at the time of this writing, the FBI is
searching for two baby pigs who were taken by animal advocates when they
were newborn and near death at a feedlot.23 How could a compassionate act,
which at worst should be charged as larceny, be considered domestic
terrorism? Answer: 18 U.S.C. § 43 labels interstate economic harm to an
animal enterprise as terrorism. Nonhumans also need lawyers to push the
legal envelope toward their emancipation. Steven Wise heads the Nonhuman
Rights Project with the mission to achieve nonhuman personhood for the great
apes. Recently, NhRP petitioned for habeas corpus on behalf of two
chimpanzees: Hercules and Leo.24 Some attorneys have dedicated their entire
law practice to reducing the suffering of nonhumans and supporting their
advocates like Christine Garcia (California) and Adam Karp (Washington). I
administer an e-mail list for nearly one hundred attorneys who litigate at
least part-time for nonhumans or their advocates.
In the U.S., attorneys like Steven Wise,25 Christine Garcia, and Adam Karp
are vanguards. Attorneys in Brazil were granted habeas corpus for Suíça, a
chimpanzee,26 while in Argentina attorneys secured “basic rights” for an
orangutan named Sandra.27 Zurich, Switzerland appointed attorney Antoine
Goetschel specifically to prosecute animal cruelty cases. And legal advocacy
is not limited to the courtroom. In 2013, the Indian Ministry of the
Environment and Forests declared dolphins to be “nonhuman persons” to end
their private and public exhibition throughout the country.28 This
declaration was made one year after scientists passed the Declaration of
[Moral] Rights for Cetaceans.29 Mexico City has banned dolphin exhibitions
as of January 2018.30 Nonhumans need more advocates of all types to help in
and out of court to end their nightmare. I hope that this article helps to
inspire you to consider becoming one of their defenders.
What animal emancipation may look like
I ate cows during the 1970s and ’80s, but not whales. I reasoned that eating
a whale was eating a person because they were smart and formed families. In
the late ’80s, I first understood that cows were smart and had families too.
They were people by my “whale” definition but culture had taught me to eat
cows and not whales. Without intending it, I created a fictional world where
cows were dumb and solitary so I could justify eating them. Now I believe
that every form of oppression is caused by individuals creating a fictional
world to justify hurting others. Learning about animal rights convinced me
whales, cows, and all other nonhumans have moral rights because they all
want to live and be free, and don’t want to suffer. I no longer believe only
humans are persons. All sentient members of the animal kingdom are persons.
As surprising or shocking as my change of values may sound, living without
violence against nonhumans has brought enormous peace to me in the last
twenty-five years as well as to the nonhumans I would have consumed. The
average person in the U.S. eats 4,925 nonhumans in twenty-five years.31
I recognize that paradigm shifts sometimes cause panic. You may feel panic
if you imagine no longer eating, wearing, or otherwise consuming or using
nonhumans. Fear of change is no reason not to change. It was once
unimaginable that human slavery would end. Now human slavery is illegal
worldwide and its practice has vastly diminished. Human economies and
behaviors must change again for animal rights and all of us will be better
for it. I also recognize that animal rights seeks unprecedented change that
will take time to normalize. Animal rights will end the meat and dairy
industries. It will end leather, wool, fur, and silk. Even the pet trade
will end. Every industry and practice that uses nonhumans will end when
nonhumans are no longer treated as chattel but as persons. This revolution
is necessary today but these industries and practices will be replaced
gradually as entrepreneurs find substitutes. Mechanized labor helped
accelerate the end of slavery for economic reasons. The end of nonhuman
slavery is also accelerating on these economic grounds. The public continues
to learn that plants are overall superior and less expensive sources of
nutrition compared to any nonhuman flesh. New foods are finding customers
such as plant milks (derived from soy, rice, almonds, etc.) are less
expensive, less perishable, more healthful, and use less land, water, and
other resources than animal milks. Medical research, once inseparable from
vivisection, has spawned more accurate non-animal research.
While the economy changes, those who profit most by using nonhumans as
property will attack animal rights exactly as every other social justice
movement has been attacked by those who fear their own loss of privilege or
income. McDonald’s infiltrated a small environmental group and
unsuccessfully sued its members for libel.32 The Center for Consumer
Freedom represents several industries that enslave nonhumans and CCF
constantly feeds the media with false and misleading stories of sinister
animal advocates. And pig rescuers are being hunted as domestic terrorists!
It’s important to recognize that these attacks are the usual propaganda and
backlash waged by unjust industries and government enforcers.
Finally, social justice advocates should welcome animal rights even if they
reject egalitarian arguments because animal rights directly helps humans.
The meat and dairy industries are notorious abusers of workers who are
typically undocumented immigrants and these industries have poor
occupational safety (for example, those who kill chickens suffer the most
finger amputations). Ending meat and dairy would dramatically improve our
environment, since the meat industry is the top cause of climate change,33
and reverse deforestation. Farmland rededicated from feeding nonhumans to
humans can easily end world hunger by not wasting food on nonhumans. Drought
would be less threatening as a vast amount of water is lost to grow
nonhumans. Wars ultimately caused by food and water shortages will be
averted. A plant diet lowers the risk of almost all diseases, especially the
top killers (cancer, heart disease, stroke, diabetes, etc.) and many current
and potential pandemics originate from using nonhumans for food (avian flu,
swine flu, Ebola from bats, etc.). Meat and dairy industries receive
enormous tax subsidies that should be stopped or at least used for public
services. Every industry that uses nonhuman animals does so at the cost of
humans, not only meat and dairy. The fur industry, for example, wastes land
and other resources, and poisons the environment with concentrated nonhuman
waste and fur preservatives.
For further reading, please choose
The Dreaded Comparison,34 about human
and nonhuman slavery; The Sexual Politics of Meat,35 about patriarchy’s
offenses against women and nonhumans; Rattling the Cage,36 about nonhuman
personhood; and The Politics of Total Liberation,37 about uniting social
justice movements.
NOTES
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